By Rodica Socolov
The recent spasm of post-election violence in Moldova holds both peril and promise.
The beating and disappearance of people for their political views mean the European Union risks finding another Belarus-style dictatorship on its borders. But the country’s promise lies in its youth, who have shown themselves to be less afraid and more willing to speak the truth than their elders, who grew up under the Soviet system.
After several days of surfing the Internet for information about the horrible events in Chisinau, in which violent protests followed the alleged re-election of the communists, it is still hard to believe they happened in my home country.
Moldovans usually are too cautious when decisive action is needed. This is a tolerant nation. Many times when the truth should be spoken, instead there is silence.
People got used to hiding their thoughts during the Soviet era, when a single word at the wrong time could bring isolation or punishment. “Don’t bother me and I won’t bother you,” Moldovans often say.
But the protests of April 7, with their emphatic rejection of that philosophy, were an exception in the history of Moldova. Years from now, people will still be trying to understand what led to such anger. But, as things now stand, there is little hope the situation will be investigated properly.
These events prove, first of all, that the Communist Party of the Republic of Moldova cannot deal with situations like this. Its methods are old and filthy, violent and offensive. It seems we are not far from the establishment of a police state.
After the protests turned violent, President Vladimir Voronin immediately accused almost everyone – opposition parties, teachers, journalists, businessmen and members of human rights organisations – of trying to stage a political coup.
While everyone wonders how the country’s two main administrative buildings, the Parliament and the Presidential Palace, could be vandalised so easily, the ruling party has occupied itself by bullying, arresting and intimidating anyone who might express an opinion.
Both magnificent buildings were built during the Soviet era for the comfort of the communist administration. Since the country became independent, they have become symbols of the Moldovan state, whichever party was in power.
Many Moldovans are terrified by the cost of the repairs, which will be a huge burden for them. The country is $4 billion in debt. Where will another $27 million, according to the ruling party’s estimate, be found to cover the cost?
In addition, valuable state documents, and private data, as well, were trampled or burned. This was a barbarian act not only against buildings and politicians, but also against many Moldovan citizens.
Had such an incident occurred in a different country, people would question the governing party’s ability to ensure security. But in Moldova, it is the people who are questioned.
It is hard to imagine, but in the parliamentary elections of 5 April the communists were reported to have won the majority of votes. It is true that the majority of the population got used to the communists and no longer considered them as bad as the communists of the 1990s, against whom they rebelled. But nobody would have expected such an easy victory.
The communists came to power in 2001, as people voted for change. During the last eight years they have proved more liberal then their predecessors, but even so, they never risked giving up their lucky communist niche. If they changed, they risked becoming just another party, indistinguishable from many others.
Still, they did gain some trust by promising to bring the country into the European family and ensure people’s fundamental rights.
But was this really enough to win the majority of seats in the Parliament? People’s lives have not improved so much since 2001.
A couple of years ago, the U.S. based organization Freedom House declared the press in Moldova “not free.” Its status was upgraded to “partially free” at the end of 2008, just before the election year.
In spite of restrictions on the press, access to the Internet started to change people’s lives. Mobile and online communication made a huge difference for many, especially those who, after many years, re-established communication with family members working abroad.
Attempts to limit Internet access began when the first signs emerged of possible fraud in elections, and the news spread more quickly than ever before because of new ways of communication.
The reaction of Moldovan society to recent events has been massive disappointment. Police officers are resigning. Journalists are seeking asylum in other countries. Parents are searching desperately for their children. The terror continues.
Now, the Constitutional Court has ordered a recount. But the court is in the hands of the communists. At this critical stage in the country’s history, when both peril and promise have never been greater, a recount is not enough.
The party must be punished for its actions. The people do not deserve a party that has neglected them, tortured them and trampled their rights.
It has become obvious that Moldova needs a new election. Only in that way, can the true will of the people be determined. And even that, by itself, will not be sufficient. Moldova won’t be able to solve the crisis without the support of a large number of political actors, civil society and international organizations.
Isn’t it enough for your people, Mr President?
Rodica Socolov 